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| | Last Sunday, the Observer ran a scaremongering story under the headline "", claiming that the Breckland deal would "open the floodgates to an unprecedented level of commercial involvement in British learning under the education reforms spearheaded by Michael Gove". If only! In , I refer to the Breckland arrangement as the ??hybrid model?? and describe the obstacles my group faced when trying to enter into a partnership with a third party education provider. After six months of intensive research, involving hundreds of meetings with lawyers, bureaucrats and senior executives at education companies, we concluded that, thanks to EU procurement law, the game wasn't worth the candle. Any partnerships along these lines involve navigating a legal and regulatory framework that is not only highly complex, but unstable, internally inconsistent and constantly subject to re-interpretation. Indeed, the only reason the Breckland group was able to pull it off is because the procurement process it followed was overseen by the Department for Education's commercial team, which invested a good deal of time and expertise into the project. Without this help, it wouldn't have happened. Such deals are beyond the capacity of even the most sophisticated free school groups which is why I think fewer than 10 such hybrids will be established in this Parliament. Of the 24 free schools already in existence, none have outsourced their management to a for-profit company and of the 79 approved last October only one has ?C Breckland. The reason it hasn't happened more often is because, contrary to the impression given by the Observer article, Michael Gove hasn't done anything to make it easier. Indeed, it was possible to set up the same hybrid model under the last government and only two such partnerships were put in place, the second when Ed Balls was the Secretary of State. The model simply isn't scalable. |
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